《毛澤東視野中的中國農民問題》
目錄、中英文提要、后記
毛澤東視野中的中國農民問題
溫銳著
江西人民出版社2004年12月
目 錄
緒 論:讀不懂毛澤東,理不清當代中國農民問題(代序)
一、難以讀進去,更難讀出來
二、由“注釋”回歸“學術”
三、為釋疑而入,卻負重難出
四、重新讀進去,努力讀出來
第一章 永恒的旋律
一、歷史的困惑
(一)從“馬鈴薯”說起
(二)“誰主沉浮”
二、理想的發展
(一)革命與農民
(二)“黃金前途”
第二章 “天翻地覆慨而慷”
一、階級斗爭與變革動力
(一)土地革命與階級路線
(二)農村階級的劃分
(三)“依靠”與“聯合”
二、“糞土當年萬戶侯”
(一)一個“平”字
(二)房屋、糧食、現金也是生產資料
(三)另一種方式
(四)“幾番手續”
三、“戰地黃花分外香”
(一)土地農有
(二)富農要“新”
(三)特殊環境與農村互助合作
(四)保護中小工商業與組織農村供銷
(五)累進稅及其他
(六)廣闊的地平線
第三章 讓“小生產絕種”
一、十字路口的凝視
(一)“趁熱打鐵”與“鞏固新民主主義秩序”
(二)“勞動者”與“私有者”
(三)“批右”與“反冒”
(四)合作化與機械化
二、走向集體化
(一)步步登高與“一氣呵成”
(二)生產管理與“評工記分”
(三)自由市場與統購統銷
三、“還是辦人民公社好”
(一)“欲與天公試比高”
(二)“一大二公”
(三)災難的降臨
四、“廬山真面目”
(一)“天災”還是“人禍”
(二)空想社會主義還是農民平均主義
(三)社會心理與高潮迭起
第四章 “到了黃河也不死心”
一、退卻與調整
(一)“隊為基礎、三級所有”
(二)“小私有”與“小自由”
(三)退卻的“山谷”與剎“三風”
(四)干部教育與群眾監督
二、“堵路”與“邁步”
(一)農民的“活樣板”
(二)“階級斗爭為綱”與斗資批修
(三)“靈魂深處鬧革命”
(四)“割資本主義尾巴”
三、“鶯歌燕舞”的背后
(一)兩種勞動,兩樣干勁
(二)“超產糧”與“返銷糧”
(三)“憶苦餐”·“賽詩會”
(四) 干集體,想自由
第五章 歷史的延伸
一、“五帝三皇神圣事”
二、誤區:山重水復疑無路
三、換腦:山不轉水轉
新 章 遺產與超越
一、閃爍而耀眼的遺產
(一)從毛澤東“熱”說起
(二)記憶為何抹不去
(三)現代“三農”的困境
二.準確認識農民主體:實現農民自我組織
(一)誰是農民的主體
(二)“先鋒”當“主體”:巨人的榮與辱
(三)“先富”結“主體”:農民組織不可怕
三.農民不是平均主義者:打造平等與公正
(一)農民私有天性是平均主義“克星”
(二)發家致富與“一大二公”的較量
(三)毛澤東平均主義思想探源
(四)走出平均主義改造農民的陰影
四.善待農民家庭經營:培育市場主體
(一)農民家庭經營:“活水源頭”
(二)從“無產者”回歸“有產者”:保護農民的“小”與“私”
結束語 只有農民自己能夠代表自己
附 錄
中文提要
英文提要
英文目錄
主要參考文獻
后 記
中文提要
中國農民隨古代高度發達的農業文明而立足于世,卻在傳統專制政治的超經濟強制與“重農抑商”的變奏曲中,長久地陷入了“馬鈴薯”的命運;如何讓農民走出歷史的困境,便成了中國歷代社會精英施政問學的焦點。出身農民的毛澤東,以救國救民為畢生的追求,農民命運的改變和農村經濟的發展自然成為他最為關注并耗盡心血的問題。他把馬克思列寧主義與中華民族傳統文化相結合,找到了“階級斗爭”這一實現理想目標的武器;他執著于變革農村傳統經濟體制,為農民探索擺脫歷史困境、走向共同富裕、實現人人平等的“黃金前途”;他立足于從現實做起,將中國農村社會與經濟的變革分兩步(即分土地改革和集體化兩個階段)進行?! ?/p>
深入農村,發動農民,摧毀傳統專制政治的農村生產關系,是毛澤東變革農村社會經濟的第一步。他從最貧窮的山村做起,長期與貧苦農民戰斗在一起,幫助他們解除身上背負的沉重枷鎖,將舊世界打個“地覆天翻”;推之全國,終于徹底搗毀了中國幾千年以來的傳統土地所有制,代之以農民土地所有制為主體的新民主主義農村生產關系;與此同時,他得到了農民慷慨的支持,從而贏得了長期革命戰爭的勝利,奪取了全國政權。這期間,理想融入現實,現實校正理想。新民主主義政治與經濟體制的建立,似曾“賜給”廣大農民以新的“陽光”和“雨露”,在中國農民面前展現出廣闊的地平線?! ?/p>
當共和國的旗幟穩定地飄揚在天安門城樓之時,毛澤東“趁熱打鐵”,按既定方針與步驟,迅即做出了走向集體化的決策,將他領導的農村社會經濟變革及時推向了第二階段。如何準確認識小農經濟,怎樣正確引導和改造家庭農民生產者,中國農村社會經濟變革來到了一個新的十字路口。毛澤東長期倡導的“實事求是”作風,這時卻逐漸代之以主觀意志:單干、包產到戶、商品經濟成了資本主義的基礎;自留地、家庭副業、農貿市場成了資本主義“殘余”;勞動發家致富成了貧富分化與走資本主義道路;讓“小生產絕種”,走向“一大二公”,便成了毛澤東在農村社會經濟變革第二階段推行集體化的基本內容。此時,雖然變革的具體運作新招迭出,多有特色,但是變革的目標卻沒有擺脫空想社會主義和前蘇聯傳統集體化模式的影響,方法上也沒有脫離戰時體制和以政治運動經濟建設的軌跡;不管是“退卻與調整”,不論是“堵路與邁步”,農民的真實卻在“‘鶯歌燕舞’的背后”。毛澤東一生執著理想,即便“到了黃河也不死心”;特殊經驗與空想浪漫色彩結合,終究還是遮住了這位歷史巨人的慧眼。于是,理想成了空想,空想左右了現實;廣袤的農村,眾多的農民,重新被裝進了千篇一律的“口袋”。歷史在現實中似乎再次凝固,農民長時間呼喚“自主”與“自由”?! ?/p>
漩渦之后,歷史以曲折的方式邁進了堅實的一步:家庭聯產承包、專業戶、家庭農場、鄉鎮企業、民工潮、社會主義市場經濟、讓一部分人先富起來、發展才是硬道理……重新認識社會主義,啟動改造農民的新思維。這一切都來自毛澤東認識和實踐誤區中的“換腦”。那傳統土地所有制的徹底廢除,那用巨額代價換來的眾多農田水利工程;毛澤東在中國歷史上樹起的這“兩塊里程豐碑”或成就的這兩項“王業”,都成了80年代新一輪農村社會經濟改革的物質基礎與新的起點。中共中央十一屆三中全會和五個“一號文件”,中國農民迎來了重新開始書寫自己歷史的契機?! ?/p>
然而,隨著中國現代化進程的快速推進和“指令經濟”與“市場經濟”的雜糅并存,處于體制外的農民受到來自“計劃”與“市場”、“權力”與“競爭”的雙重擠壓,農民問題以“三農”困境的方式浮出水面:農民負擔久減難輕,勞力轉移路障重重,農民增收步履艱難,農村生態遭遇空前挑戰;農民的生產經營自主權在規模經營與產業調整中日益萎縮、乃至喪失,農民的土地等財產權益在虛置泛化中流失以至于失地失業、甚至失居,農民的國民地位得不到尊重而與社會保障等公共產品的享受無緣……本該公平的市場似乎對農民例外!這一切均源于農村經濟缺失市場主體,農民的社區(國家)主人地位名不副實;上世紀80年代末以后悄然興起并持續升溫的“毛澤東熱”現象,折射的正是“三農”問題日趨嚴重的現實。2004年,中共中央在十七年后重新就“三農”問題頒布“一號文件”,農民問題再次受到空前重視。然而,如何把握“毛澤東熱”所傳達的民間信息,如何正確對待與處理農民問題,關鍵還得從重新準確認識農民和農民家庭經營開始,真心實意地相信、尊重、善待與依靠農民,走以人為本與可持續協調發展之路,徹底走出平均主義改造農民與剝奪農民的陰影……毛澤東集體化運動的拓荒式實踐,既徹底打破了中國社會精英所追求的千年空想,又以堅定地相信、依靠和組織農民彰顯了改革的力量源泉,在思想上與實踐中留下了寶貴的遺產??梢哉f,毛澤東對農民和農民問題的認識,集中了中國歷代社會精英對此問題認識的全部正確與謬誤。讀不懂毛澤東,理不清中國農民問題:解放農民,只有讓農民自己代表自己。
關鍵詞:農民 農村經濟 階級斗爭 土地革命 集體化 包產到戶 商品經濟 市場主體
英文提要 |
Abstract
With the high development of the ancient civilization in agriculture, China's small-scale peasant economy came into existence, yet it has long been bogged down in a “potato” destiny in the super-economic constraint and the concerto characterized with stressing farming but check trade or business. How to assist peasants to go through the historic predicament became a focus both in governing and engaging in research the Chinese elites confronted with in any era. Mao Zedong, born in a peasant family, devoted his whole life to the great cause of saving his country and his people. Mao showed solicitude for the destiny of peasants and the development of the rural economy, which exhausted all his energies. In this great cause, Mao combined Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese culture, resolved to change the unreasonable feudal economic system in rural areas, and endeavored to explore a way for peasants, with which they could shake off the bewilderment, and move towards the “golden future,” in which everyone, man and woman, would be prosperous and equal. Mao, basing himself on reality, divided China's economic reform in rural areas into two stages, that is, “Land Reform” and “Collectivization”. In the first stage, what Mao adopted to reform the rural economy is to immerse himself into rural areas, mobilize the broad masses, and destroy relations of feudal production in rural areas. In order to gain success in the first stage, Mao found a foothold in the most poverty-stricken mountain villages, fighting shoulder to shoulder with the poor peasants and helping them cast off the yoke of feudalism, which was later popularized throughout the whole country, and eventually, the feudal land ownership, which lasted for centuries, was thoroughly wiped out and was taken the place by the new democratic rural production relationship, which took the peasantry as a subject. Hence there emerged rural production relations of a new democracy instead. Meanwhile, Mao got a generous support from the peasants, which helped him win the final victory of the protracted revolutionary war and seize the political power. With the establishment of the political and economic system of the new democracy, the peasants were granted with new “sunshine” and “rain and dew”, and a wide horizon presented in front of them. When the national flag was fluttering in the wind over Tian An Men Tower, Mao immediately made a decision “to strike the iron while it is hot”, and to take the road of collectivization, which push forward his economic reform in rural areas to the second stage. The question of how to get a collect perception of the small-scale peasant economy, and how to guide and remold the small producers led China's economic reform in rural areas to a new crossroad. The style of seeking truth from facts advocated by Mao was gradually replaced by a subjective will. The individual farming, the fixing of farm output quotas for each household, the commodity economy were regarded as hotbed of capitalism, private plot, household sideline production, rural trade markets as the “remains” of capitalism, getting rich by labor as polarization between the poor and the rich. Mao's second stage in the rural economic reform is to make the small producers extinct, and move towards the establishment of people's communes large in size and collective in nature, which was Mao's main principle in promoting collectivization. The concrete operation of the reform had its own novel style and characteristics, nevertheless, apparently it did not extricate itself from the influence of Utopian socialism and the ex-Soviet traditional pattern of collectivization, nor did it cast off the wartime system and the tracks of the political movements. Whether it was to “shrink back and readjust” or to “block road and stride”, the factuality of the peasantry still hides in the back of varieties of campaigns or policies. Mao devoted himself to his ideal in all his life, as a Chinese proverb said, “even if he arrives the bank of Yellow River, he won’t be frustrated, either.” The exceptional experience and unrealistic romanticism once blinded the insight of the historical giant. As a result, the vast rural areas and the multitudinous peasants were squeezed into a new stereotyped pocket. In real life, the history seemed once again coagulated, and the peasants call for independence and liberty a second time. However, the Chinese history, with the emerging of household contract responsibility system, household farms, professional household, town-and-village-run enterprises, flow of laborers, socialist marketing economy, and permission of getting some people wealthy earlier, has moved a sound step forward after many twists and turns. The new idea of reconsidering and transforming small peasantry, which arise from CHANGE A BRAIN by removing Mao's cognitive misinterpretations; the abolition of feudal land ownership system, which has long been cast aside into history; the numerous irrigation projects kept at extremely high cost——all these have become the material base and starting point of the new rural economic reform since 1980s.The Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee of CCP and five “NO.1 resolutions” has provided Chinese peasants an accessible platform to take significant steps in rewriting their own history. However, with the quick progression of Chinese modernization and the mixture and co-existence of planning economy and marketing economy, peasants, being out of the present regime, have to endure double squeezing derived from “plan and market” or “power and competition”, as a result of which peasant problem has emerged in the form of the predicament among peasants, agriculture, countryside” as follows: peasants’ burden was too hard to ease despite of continuous decreasing trial; the labor transferring faces layers of obstacles which brought about the serious trouble in increasing peasants’ income as well as the unprecedented severe challenging to rural ecology; the production initiative right of peasants declines increasingly, even to get lost, and the peasants’ property rights and interests like the land are being eroded in the process of weakening and surfacing, which led to the lost of peasants’ lands or jobs, even residences; peasants’ normal citizenship treatments has never been respected so that the securities of social public services and facilities are seldom available for them…, that is to say, fairness or justice market owns naturally seems to be an exception for peasants! All the problems above-discussed stemmed from the lost of market subjects of rural economy, in other words, peasants doesn’t obtain the real community or national master treatment. The covertly rising of “Mao Zedong Upsurge” since the end of 1980s just reflected the reality that the “Peasantry, Agriculture and Countryside” problem is getting more and more serious. Up to 2004, the problem of peasants, agriculture and countryside was promulgated as NO. 1 resolution once more by the Central Committee of CCP seventeen years later, which means peasants problem is stressed exceptionally once more. Nevertheless, how to grasp the folk information conveyed by the “Mao Zedong Upsurge” and how to treat the peasants problem correctly depends on recognizing peasants and peasants’ family production correctly with a new attitude, which requires us to really trust, respect, treat decently and depend on peasants, insisting on the sustainable development based on humanity thus to get through the shadow of egalitarianism remolding peasants… The pioneering practice characterized with collectivization led by Mao Zedong not only broke through the millennium dream pursued by Chinese social elites, but also displayed the strength source of reform that is to trust, organize and depend on peasants firmly, thus left behind valuable legacy for posterities both in thoughts and in practices. Unexaggeratedly speaking, Mao’s recognition on peasantry and peasantry problem concentrated all the correctness and fault in recognizing the same problem by Chinese social elites in any age. No understanding Mao Zedong, no understanding Chinese peasantry problem. Peasantry may be liberated only when peasantry themselves are capable of represent themselves, instead of others. Key Words: the peasantry; rural economy; class struggle; land reform; collectivization; the fixing of farm output quotas for each household; commodity economy; market subjects 后 記 我對農民和農村經濟的研究開始于20多年前。當時,近百年的中國農村經濟變革已經進入了一個嶄新的階段,鄧小平支持和推動的農民家庭承包經營責任制改革已全面啟動并初見成效,中國農民的命運和農村經濟改革的新選擇引起了國內外的廣泛關注;中國農村社會經濟發展的全新態勢也給我們的傳統思維提出了許多嶄新的問題和需要重新探索的未知。作為一個近現代社會經濟史的研究者,理應站在歷史與現實的交匯點上,像關心歷史一樣關心現實。20多年來,我為釋疑與探索未知的強烈刺激所吸引,農民和農村經濟問題的研究成為我生活的重要部分,在生活中,包括與人閑聊、看電視、甚至飯桌飯后家人間的談笑,我都總是將話題與我的研究聯系在一起,以至常被人們笑稱為“三句話不離本行”。從某種程度上說,我是把這種樂在其中的艱辛勞動看作是生命的必要,即使沒有顯赫的收獲,也能心平氣靜地繼續耕耘,我的研究與生活本身已緊緊相融。其間,我出版與發表的論著雖不多并又不太合于學術主流,但卻得到了國內外同行學者的理解、肯定與認同;同時,農民和農村社會經濟問題研究耗費了我20多年的主要時間,因而減少了對妻子與家庭應有的關懷;借拙作付梓之際,我要對所有支持與幫助過我的師長與國內外朋友們表示衷心感謝,并特別感謝我的愛人楊麗瓊和兒子溫靖20多年來對我的理解以及為支持我的研究工作所做出的奉獻?! ?/p> 中國農民豐富的社會實踐與歷史創造是本書認識與觀點生長的源泉。實踐需要理論的指導,理論則需要不斷地接受實踐的檢驗,并在豐富的實踐中加以修正和完善。理論是“灰色”的,“生活之樹長青”。正是千百萬農民群眾實踐的現實需要,促使人們投入農民和社會農村經濟問題的研究。拙作注重在比較研究中吸收學界最新成果的同時,立足走出書齋,將自己的視野投向中國火熱的農村社會經濟改革大潮。在多年的農村實地調查與學習考察中,農民那勤奮自勵、勇于實踐、善于創造的精神和寬厚的胸懷,農民那熱情的接待、無私的支持以至免費的茶水或便飯招待,則是拙作得以形成的最為寶貴的精神支撐和物質支持。因此,我要感謝在江西、福建、廣東、河南、河北、陜西、山東等省農村實地調查中給予我支持和幫助的所有農民朋友,同時,還要感謝在收集和查閱資料時提供方便和照顧的省、市、縣圖書館、檔案館以及各級政協文史資料室的專家與朋友們,感謝江西財經大學領導對我的理解、支持與鼓勵! 拙作許多論點的完善直接來源于師生間爭鳴討論時閃現的思想火花,很多的論述直接形成于解答學生、朋友質疑時進行的邏輯思考。“師者,所以傳道授業解惑也”;但“師不必賢于弟子,弟子不必不如師;聞道有先后,術業有專攻”。(韓愈)“人只知教師教授,學生學習;不曉得有的時候,教師倒從學生那里得好多的教訓”。(陶行知)教師是我重要的社會角色,教書是我重要的工作,和學生平等相處,共同探討,教學相長,不僅使我獲益匪淺,而且也使我樂在其中。正是師生間教與學的相融,使本書超過了我個人可能達到的水平,為此,我要感謝所有曾參與我幾十年教學與研究討論的所有同學們;而本書能夠較快完成出版,則要特別感謝我在福建師大招收的碩士研究生汪忠列。他以其與我似乎有同樣家庭背景和對農民的真摯感情隨我進入近現代史尤其是農民問題的學習與研究,并逐步加入我正在進行的課題研究之中。他在幫助我完成本書新增章節和對全書稿件的整理校訂中付出了艱辛的勞動?! ?/p> 本書的出版還要特別感謝江西人民出版社辛康南先生等人給予的支持和付出的辛勤勞動?! ?/p> 作 者 2004年暑期于江西財經大學校園 |
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