洪博培稱：羅姆尼誤解中國(guó)
http://www.politico.com/blogs/burns-haberman/2012/02/huntsman-mitts-wrong-on-china-114735.html
今日洪博培猛批羅姆尼在《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》上一篇“猛打中國(guó)”的報(bào)道。
周四洪博培稱他不同意羅姆尼在《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》社評(píng)上的大部分言論。
他對(duì)微軟有線廣播公司的Andrea Mitchell說道， 當(dāng)重要的外交政策問題擺到桌面上時(shí)，威脅與中國(guó)方面的貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)是“執(zhí)迷不悟的“。
前美國(guó)駐華大使曾批評(píng)總統(tǒng)候選人羅姆尼對(duì)中國(guó)的強(qiáng)硬立場(chǎng)，但如今他卻秉承了羅姆尼的想法。
洪博培稱在共和黨人中間有很多不同政見是正常的，他為自己長(zhǎng)期的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手辯護(hù)道。
洪博培現(xiàn)在在華盛頓，說道“我突然想到他對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)最好的貢獻(xiàn)就是創(chuàng)造工作機(jī)會(huì)。”
他還補(bǔ)充道，他知道一些候選人用花言巧語來競(jìng)選，而真正當(dāng)上總統(tǒng)之后態(tài)度就會(huì)緩和下來。
洪博培要為其將來工作中職位上留好位置，他呼吁不要盡量“迎合”中國(guó)。
洪博培說道，“退后一步用一個(gè)清晰的想法來分析我們目前雙方這種最有挑戰(zhàn)性的最重要的雙邊關(guān)系。這是兩國(guó)人民之間長(zhǎng)期的博弈。”
Huntsman: Mitt's wrong on ChinaFrom the "with endorsers like these ..." department, Jon Huntsman has some tart words for Mitt Romney's China-bashing Journal piece today. James Hohmann reports:Jon Huntsman said Thursday that he disagrees with much of Mitt Romney’s Wall Street Journal op-ed on China.
He told MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell that it's “wrong-headed” to threaten a trade war with Beijing when important foreign policy issues are on the table.
The former U.S. ambassador to China criticized Romney for his hardline stance toward the communist regime when he was a candidate, but now he’s a Romney endorser.
Huntsman said some disagreements among Republicans are natural and he defended his endorsement of his long-time rival.
“I happen to think that on the economy he’s best placed…to create jobs,” Huntsman, who now lives in D.C., said.
He added that he’s seen candidates use tough rhetoric only to tone it down when they actually become president.
Huntsman, who has kept the door open to a future run for office, called for “l(fā)ess pandering” on China.
“Take a step back and analyze with a clear vision the most complicated, the most challenging and the most important bilateral relationship we have,” Huntsman said. “It is a long-term play between our people.”
米特·羅姆尼： 我將如何應(yīng)對(duì)中國(guó)崛起
總統(tǒng)候選人羅姆尼親自撰文介紹其將如何應(yīng)對(duì)中國(guó)崛起。
段首語：中國(guó)政府在發(fā)展市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的同時(shí)，卻抑制政治改革和個(gè)人自由，這將會(huì)在較大范圍內(nèi)造成不安。
21世紀(jì)會(huì)是美國(guó)世紀(jì)嗎？為了回答這個(gè)問題，我們只需要思考唯一的替代者。
一種被廣泛認(rèn)可的說法認(rèn)為21世紀(jì)是中國(guó)世紀(jì)。受益于中國(guó)13億人口，10%的年增長(zhǎng)率，以及迅速發(fā)展的軍事力量，中國(guó)有機(jī)會(huì)成為一個(gè)能夠主導(dǎo)亞洲乃至世界的力量。然而中國(guó)政府在發(fā)展市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的同時(shí)，卻抑制政治改革和個(gè)人自由，這將會(huì)在較大范圍內(nèi)造成不安。但是中國(guó)世紀(jì)的崛起和美國(guó)世紀(jì)的終結(jié)并非不可比避免的。美國(guó)固有的力量給予了我們戰(zhàn)勝中國(guó)乃至世界的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)。因而，我們必須重新獲得這種力量。
這就需要我們支撐住我們的財(cái)政和經(jīng)濟(jì)威望，重建我們的軍隊(duì)，以及給予我們的價(jià)值觀新生。我們必須將這些力量貫徹落實(shí)下去，使中國(guó)因代價(jià)昂貴而放棄地區(qū)霸權(quán)主義道路，從而選擇成為一個(gè)負(fù)責(zé)任的國(guó)際合作伙伴。
奧巴馬正在走一條歪路。本周其與中國(guó)國(guó)家副主席習(xí)近平的會(huì)晤只是一個(gè)空有其表的漂亮儀式而已。
奧巴馬總統(tǒng)是以一個(gè)乞討者的形象出現(xiàn)在辦公室的，乞求著中國(guó)繼續(xù)購(gòu)買美國(guó)國(guó)債從而使總統(tǒng)能夠在國(guó)內(nèi)繼續(xù)恣意揮霍。奧巴馬內(nèi)閣反對(duì)向習(xí)近平就人權(quán)問題提出質(zhì)疑，以避免危害到到其與中國(guó)就全球經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)和全球氣候問題的努力。這種軟弱不僅增強(qiáng)了中國(guó)的自信心，還是美國(guó)在東亞的地位受到了我們盟友們的質(zhì)疑。
（周二中國(guó)國(guó)家副主席習(xí)近平和奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在白宮舉行了會(huì)面）
在三年任期之后，總統(tǒng)終于宣布了他假大空的亞洲戰(zhàn)略核心。這個(gè)核心將會(huì)被證明為像其重新設(shè)計(jì)的俄國(guó)戰(zhàn)略一樣巧妙和空虛。這個(gè)戰(zhàn)略將會(huì)可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致為不可預(yù)料的結(jié)局：我們的盟友可能錯(cuò)誤的認(rèn)為我們放棄了這塊區(qū)域，并且有可能繼續(xù)放棄更多的區(qū)域。
這個(gè)核心戰(zhàn)略同時(shí)未能充分提供資源。盡管總統(tǒng)提到了要提高美國(guó)在亞洲的軍事存在，但是他的決策卻無可避免的將會(huì)削弱我們的力量。他正在減少我們的海軍艦船，縮編空軍和陸軍。由于他的政治立場(chǎng)和失敗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，我們的軍隊(duì)正在面臨一個(gè)未來十年多達(dá)一萬億美元的軍事預(yù)算減少。我們必須改變這一切。
在經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域，我們必須抵抗中國(guó)在貿(mào)易、知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)和匯率問題上的欺詐。盡管我將會(huì)與中國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人一道保證中美雙邊貿(mào)易能使雙方互惠，但是我將不會(huì)將現(xiàn)有的鼓勵(lì)中國(guó)欺騙美國(guó)公司，使美國(guó)工人處于不利地位的情況繼續(xù)下去。
除非中國(guó)改變其做法，否則在我當(dāng)上總統(tǒng)的第一天我就會(huì)認(rèn)定中國(guó)是匯率操縱國(guó)，并且采取適宜的措施來抵制中國(guó)匯率立場(chǎng)。盡管與中國(guó)打貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)是我最不愿意面對(duì)的事，但是我也決不能忍受現(xiàn)行的貿(mào)易投降主義。
我們同時(shí)也應(yīng)當(dāng)保證我們有足夠的軍事力量以應(yīng)對(duì)中國(guó)崛起所帶來的挑戰(zhàn)。雖然中國(guó)的官方數(shù)據(jù)并不能完全涵蓋其國(guó)防開支，但過去十年來，其官方的國(guó)防開支仍然維持著兩位數(shù)的增長(zhǎng)。這些數(shù)字提醒我們，中國(guó)的戰(zhàn)略將會(huì)為我們帶來麻煩。中國(guó)將通過繼續(xù)對(duì)其領(lǐng)國(guó)施加壓力，抑制美國(guó)在太平洋的軍事存在以及創(chuàng)建一個(gè)使中國(guó)自身收益的和平。
為了維持我們?cè)趤喼薜能娛聦?shí)力，我決心取消奧巴馬政府的國(guó)防緊縮政策并在亞洲保持一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的軍事力量。這不是為了挑起軍事沖突，正相反，這能保障亞洲依然向貿(mào)易開放市場(chǎng)，并為亞洲國(guó)家?guī)ソ?jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和民主自由。
我們必須承認(rèn)一個(gè)事實(shí)，那就是中國(guó)政府繼續(xù)否認(rèn)公民的基本政治自由和權(quán)利。如果我們繼續(xù)因?yàn)楹ε氯桥袊?guó)政府而繼續(xù)拒絕支持異議人士，繼續(xù)拒絕抗議中國(guó)野蠻的計(jì)劃生育政策，那我們就是以自由為代價(jià)支持中國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。
一個(gè)國(guó)家如果還在鎮(zhèn)壓他的國(guó)民的話，那么在一個(gè)基于經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治自由的國(guó)際體系中，這個(gè)國(guó)家最終將難以被認(rèn)為可信賴的伙伴。雖然中國(guó)民主政治是無法通過外力推動(dòng)實(shí)現(xiàn)的，但中國(guó)人缺乏公民和政治權(quán)利從而使內(nèi)部矛盾變成成功的改革也是一個(gè)事實(shí)。
為了保障我們國(guó)家的安全，我將不會(huì)退縮。為了確保太平洋地區(qū)的安全，我們?cè)谔窖髤^(qū)域的經(jīng)濟(jì)和軍事實(shí)力必須冠絕群雄。只有這樣，才能保證那些受到壓迫和獨(dú)裁的國(guó)家繼續(xù)能有機(jī)會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)美國(guó)自由的價(jià)值觀和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的機(jī)遇。
我的這些舉措將會(huì)保證這是一個(gè)美國(guó)世紀(jì)，而不是中國(guó)世紀(jì)。中國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮和民主自由將會(huì)為美國(guó)帶來莫大好處。但我們不要認(rèn)識(shí)不到如果中國(guó)是一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮卻執(zhí)行暴政的國(guó)家，那他會(huì)為我們，為其鄰邦，為整個(gè)世界帶來極大危害。
米特·羅姆尼是共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人How I'll Respond to China's Rising PowerThe character of the Chinese government—one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of freedom—shouldn't become the norm.http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204880404577225340763595570.html
By MITT ROMNEY Should the 21st century be an American century? To answer, it is only necessary to contemplate the alternatives.
One much bruited these days is that of a Chinese century. With China's billion-plus population, its 10% annual average growth rates, and its burgeoning military power, a China that comes to dominate Asia and much of the globe is increasingly becoming thinkable. The character of the Chinese government—one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of political and personal freedom—would become a widespread and disquieting norm.
But the dawn of a Chinese century—and the end of an American one—is not inevitable. America possesses inherent strengths that grant us a competitive advantage over China and the rest of the world. We must, however, restore those strengths.
That means shoring up our fiscal and economic standing, rebuilding our military, and renewing faith in our values. We must apply these strengths in our policy toward China to make its path to regional hegemony far more costly than the alternative path of becoming a responsible partner in the international system.
Barack Obama is moving in precisely the wrong direction. The shining accomplishment of the meetings in Washington this week with Xi Jinping—China's vice president and likely future leader—was empty pomp and ceremony.
President Obama came into office as a near supplicant to Beijing, almost begging it to continue buying American debt so as to finance his profligate spending here at home. His administration demurred from raising issues of human rights for fear it would compromise agreement on the global economic crisis or even "the global climate-change crisis." Such weakness has only encouraged Chinese assertiveness and made our allies question our staying power in East Asia.
Zuma Press
Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, left, with President Obama at the White House on Tuesday.
Now, three years into his term, the president has belatedly responded with a much-ballyhooed "pivot" to Asia, a phrase that may prove to be as gimmicky and vacuous as his "reset" with Russia. The supposed pivot has been oversold and carries with it an unintended consequence: It has left our allies with the worrying impression that we left the region and might do so again.
The pivot is also vastly under-resourced. Despite his big talk about bolstering our military position in Asia, President Obama's actions will inevitably weaken it. He plans to cut back on naval shipbuilding, shrink our Air Force, and slash our ground forces. Because of his policies and failed leadership, our military is facing nearly $1 trillion in cuts over the next decade.
We must change course.
In the economic arena, we must directly counter abusive Chinese practices in the areas of trade, intellectual property, and currency valuation. While I am prepared to work with Chinese leaders to ensure that our countries both benefit from trade, I will not continue an economic relationship that rewards China's cheating and penalizes American companies and workers.
Unless China changes its ways, on day one of my presidency I will designate it a currency manipulator and take appropriate counteraction. A trade war with China is the last thing I want, but I cannot tolerate our current trade surrender.
We must also maintain military forces commensurate to the long-term challenge posed by China's build-up. For more than a decade now we have witnessed double-digit increases in China's officially reported military spending. And even that does not capture the full extent of its spending on defense. Nor do the gross numbers tell us anything about the most troubling aspects of China's strategy, which is designed to exert pressure on China's neighbors and blunt the ability of the United States to project power into the Pacific and keep the peace from which China itself has benefited.
To preserve our military presence in Asia, I am determined to reverse the Obama administration's defense cuts and maintain a strong military presence in the Pacific. This is not an invitation to conflict. Instead, this policy is a guarantee that the region remains open for cooperative trade, and that economic opportunity and democratic freedom continue to flourish across East Asia.
We must also forthrightly confront the fact that the Chinese government continues to deny its people basic political freedoms and human rights. If the U.S. fails to support dissidents out of fear of offending the Chinese government, if we fail to speak out against the barbaric practices entailed by China's compulsory one-child policy, we will merely embolden China's leaders at the expense of greater liberty.
A nation that represses its own people cannot ultimately be a trusted partner in an international system based on economic and political freedom. While it is obvious that any lasting democratic reform in China cannot be imposed from the outside, it is equally obvious that the Chinese people currently do not yet enjoy the requisite civil and political rights to turn internal dissent into effective reform.
I will never flinch from ensuring that our country is secure. And security in the Pacific means a world in which our economic and military power is second to none. It also means a world in which American values—the values of liberty and opportunity—continue to prevail over those of oppression and authoritarianism.
The sum total of my approach will ensure that this is an American, not a Chinese century. We have much to gain from close relations with a China that is prosperous and free. But we should not fail to recognize that a China that is a prosperous tyranny will increasingly pose problems for us, for its neighbors, and for the entire world.
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